3-3-the-lost-dao3-3-迷失之道

The Lost Dao

3-3-迷失的道

(D)ecisions about the development and exploitation of computer technology must be made not only "in the public interest" but in the interest of giving the public itself the means to enter into the decision-making processes that will shape their future. — J. C. R. Licklider, "Computers and Government", 1980[^CandG]

关于计算机技术发展和开发的决策，不仅必须符合"公众利益"，而且必须符合赋予公众参与塑造其未来决策过程的手段的利益。——J. C. R. Licklider，《计算机与政府》，1980[^CandG]

[^CandG]: J.C.R. Licklider, "Computers and Government" in Michael L. Dertouzos and Joel Moses eds., The Computer Age: A Twenty-Year View (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 1980)

[^CandG]: J.C.R. Licklider，《计算机与政府》，载迈克尔·L·德尔图佐斯和乔尔·摩西斯编，《计算机时代：二十年回顾》（马萨诸塞州剑桥：麻省理工学院出版社，1980年）

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Can a ⿻ understanding of society lay the foundation for social transformations as dramatic as those that fields like quantum mechanics and ecology have brought to natural sciences, physical technology and our relationship to nature? Liberal democracies often celebrate themselves as pluralistic societies, which would seem to indicate they have already drawn the available lessons from ⿻ social science. Yet despite this formal commitment to pluralism and democracy, almost every country has been forced by the limits of available information systems to homogenize and simplify social institutions in a monist atomist mold that runs into direct conflict with such values. The great hope of ⿻ social science and ⿻ built on top of it is to use the potential of information technology to begin to overcome these limitations.

对社会的深刻理解能否为社会变革奠定基础，如同量子力学和生态学等领域为自然科学、物理技术以及我们与自然的关系带来的变革一样深刻？自由民主国家常常将自己标榜为多元化社会，这似乎表明它们已经从社会科学中汲取了可用的经验教训。然而，尽管正式承诺多元化和民主，但几乎每个国家都因可用信息系统的限制而被迫将社会机构同质化和简化为一元原子论模式，这与这些价值观直接冲突。社会科学及其之上构建的伟大希望是利用信息技术的潜力来克服这些限制。

⿻ launches

启动

This was the mission pursued by the younger generation that followed in Wiener's lead but had a more human/social scientific background. This generation included a range of pioneers of applied cybernetics such as the anthropologist Margaret Mead[^Surround] (who heavily influenced the aesthetics of the internet), W. Edwards Deming[^Deming] (whose influence on Japanese and to a lesser extent Taiwanese inclusive industrial quality practices we saw above) and Stafford Beer[^Davies] (who pioneered business cybernetics and has become something of a guru for social applications of Wiener's ideas including in Chile's brief cybernetic socialist regime of the early 1970s). They built on his vision in a more pragmatic mode, shaping technologies that defined the information era. Yet the most ambitious and systemic impact of this work was heralded by a blip moving across the sky in October 1957, a story masterfully narrated by M. Mitchell Waldrop in his The Dream Machine, from which much of what follows derives.[^DreamMachine]

这是继维纳之后的一代年轻人所追求的使命，他们拥有更多的人文/社会科学背景。这一代人包括应用控制论的众多先驱，例如人类学家玛格丽特·米德[^Surround]（她对互联网的美学产生了深远的影响），W·爱德华兹·戴明[^Deming]（我们在上面看到他对日本以及在较小程度上对台湾包容性工业质量实践的影响）和斯塔福德·比尔[^Davies]（他开创了商业控制论，并成为维纳思想社会应用的某种大师，包括在智利20世纪70年代初短暂的控制论社会主义政权中）。他们以更务实的方式在维纳的愿景基础上，塑造了定义信息时代的技术。然而，这项工作的最雄心勃勃和最系统的影响是由1957年10月划过天空的一道闪光所预示的，米切尔·沃尔德罗普在他的《梦想机器》一书中对此进行了精彩的叙述，本书中的许多内容都源于此[^DreamMachine]。

[^Surround]: Fred Turner, The Democratic Surround: Multimedia and American Liberalism from World War II to the Psychedelic Sixties (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013). [^Deming]: While we do not have space to pursue Deming's or Mead's stories in anything like the depth we do the development of the internet, in many ways the work of these two pioneers parallels many of the themes we develop and in the industiral and cultural spheres laid the groundwork for ⿻ just as Licklider and his disciples did in computation. UTHSC. “Deming’s 14 Points,” May 26, 2022. https://www.uthsc.edu/its/business-productivity-solutions/lean-uthsc/deming.php. [^Davies]: Dan Davies, The Unaccountability Machine: Why Big Systems Make Terrible Decisions - and How The World Lost its Mind (London: Profile Books, 2024). [^DreamMachine]: M. Mitchell Waldrop, The Dream Machine (New York: Penguin, 2002).

[^Surround]: 弗雷德·特纳，《民主环境：从二战到迷幻六十年代的多媒体和美国自由主义》（芝加哥：芝加哥大学出版社，2013年）。[^Deming]: 虽然我们没有足够的空间以与我们对互联网发展的深度一样的深度来探讨戴明或米德的故事，但在许多方面，这两位先驱的工作与我们所探讨的许多主题相呼应，并在工业和文化领域为奠定了基础，正如利克莱德和他的弟子在计算领域所做的那样。UTHSC。“戴明的14点”，2022年5月26日。https://www.uthsc.edu/its/business-productivity-solutions/lean-uthsc/deming.php。[^Davies]: 丹·戴维斯，《不可问责机器：为什么大型系统会做出糟糕的决策——以及世界是如何失去理智的》（伦敦：个人资料图书，2024年）。[^DreamMachine]: M·米切尔·沃尔德罗普，《梦想机器》（纽约：企鹅出版社，2002年）。

Sputnik and the Advanced Research Projects Agency

斯普特尼克和高级研究计划局

The launch by the Soviet Union of the first orbital satellite was followed a month later by the Gaither Committee report, claiming that the US had fallen behind the Soviets in missile production. The ensuing moral panic forced the Eisenhower administration into emergency action to reassure the public of American strategic superiority. Yet despite, or perhaps because of, his own martial background, Eisenhower deeply distrusted what he labeled America's "military industrial complex", while having boundless admiration for scientists.[^Wizards] He thus aimed to channel the passions of the Cold War into a national strategy to improve scientific research and education.[^Sputnik’sImpact]

苏联发射第一颗轨道卫星后一个月，盖瑟委员会发表报告，声称美国在导弹生产方面落后于苏联。随之而来的道德恐慌迫使艾森豪威尔政府采取紧急行动，以向公众保证美国的战略优势。然而，尽管，或者也许是因为他自己的军事背景，艾森豪威尔非常不信任他所称的美国的“军事工业综合体”，但他对科学家却无限钦佩[^Wizards]。因此，他旨在将冷战的激情转化为一项改进科学研究和教育的国家战略[^Sputnik’sImpact]。

[^Wizards]: Katie Hafner and Matthew Lyon, Where the Wizards Stay up Late: The Origins of the Internet (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1998).

[^Wizards]: 凯蒂·哈夫纳和马修·莱昂，《巫师们熬夜的地方：互联网的起源》（纽约：西蒙与舒斯特出版社，1998年）。

While that strategy had many prongs, a central one was the establishment, within the Department of Defense, of a quasi-independent, scientifically administered Advanced Research Projects Agency (ARPA) that would harness expertise from universities to accelerate ambitious and potentially transformative scientific projects with potential defense applications.

虽然这项战略有很多方面，但核心之一是在国防部内部建立了一个准独立的、由科学家管理的高级研究计划局（ARPA），它将利用大学的专业知识来加快具有潜在国防应用的雄心勃勃且可能具有变革意义的科学项目。

While ARPA began with many aims, some of which were soon assigned to other newly formed agencies, such as the National Aeronautics and Space Administration (NASA), it quickly found a niche as the most ambitious government supporter of ambitious and "far out" projects under its second director, Jack Ruina. One area was to prove particularly representative of this risk-taking style: the Information Processing Techniques Office led by Joseph Carl Robnett (JCR) Licklider.

虽然ARPA最初有很多目标，其中一些目标很快被分配给其他新成立的机构，例如美国国家航空航天局（NASA），但它很快就在其第二任主任杰克·鲁伊纳的领导下，找到了一个利基市场，成为最雄心勃勃的政府支持者，支持雄心勃勃和“超前”的项目。其中一个领域特别能代表这种冒险风格：由约瑟夫·卡尔·罗布内特（JCR）利克莱德领导的信息处理技术办公室。

Licklider hailed from a different field still from the political economy of George, sociology of Simmel, political philosophy of Dewey and mathematics of Wiener: "Lick", as he was commonly known, received his PhD in 1942 in the field of psychoacoustics. After spending his early career developing applications to human performance in high-stakes interactions with technology (especially aviation), his attention increasingly turned to the possibility of human interaction with the fastest growing form of machinery: the "computing machine". He joined the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) to help found Lincoln Laboratory and the psychology program. He moved to the private sector as Vice President of Bolt, Beranek and Newman (BBN), one of the first MIT-spin off research start-ups.

利克莱德来自一个与乔治的政治经济学、西美尔的社会学、杜威的政治哲学和维纳的数学不同的领域：人们通常称他为“利克”，他在1942年获得了心理声学的博士学位。在他早期的职业生涯中，他致力于开发在与技术（特别是航空）进行高风险互动中的人类绩效应用，他的注意力越来越转向与发展最快的机械形式进行人机交互的可能性：“计算机”。他加入麻省理工学院（MIT）帮助创立林肯实验室和心理学项目。他后来进入私营部门，担任Bolt、Beranek和Newman（BBN）的副总裁，这是最早的MIT衍生研究初创公司之一。

Having persuaded BBN's leadership to shift their attention towards computing devices, Lick began to develop an alternative technological vision to the then-emerging field of Artificial Intelligence that drew on his psychological background to propose "Man-Computer Symbiosis", as his path-breaking 1960 paper was titled. Lick hypothesized that while "in due course...'machines' will outdo the human brain in most of the functions we now consider exclusively within its province...(t)here will...be a fairly long interim during which the main advances will be made by men and computers working together...those years should be intellectually the most creative and exciting in the history of mankind."[^ManComputerSymbiosis]

在说服BBN的领导层将注意力转向计算设备后，利克开始对当时正在兴起的领域人工智能发展出一种另类的技术愿景，他借鉴了他的心理学背景，提出了“人机共生”，正如他1960年开创性论文的标题。利克假设，虽然“在适当的时候……‘机器’会在我们现在认为仅在其领域内的许多功能方面胜过人脑……（将会有）……相当长的一段时间，主要的进步将由人和计算机一起工作……那些年应该是在人类历史上最富创造力和最令人兴奋的时期。”[^ManComputerSymbiosis]

These visions turned out to arrive at precisely the right moment for ARPA, as it was in search of bold missions with which it could secure its place in the rapidly coalescing national science administration landscape. Ruina appointed Lick to lead the newly-formed Information Processing Techniques Office (IPTO). Lick harnessed the opportunity to build and shape much of the structure of what became the field of Computer Science.

这些愿景恰好出现在ARPA寻求大胆的使命以确保其在迅速融合的国家科学管理格局中立足的时刻。鲁伊纳任命利克领导新成立的信息处理技术办公室（IPTO）。利克利用这一机会来构建和塑造计算机科学领域的大部分结构。

The Intergalactic Computer Network

星际计算机网络

While Lick spent only two years at ARPA, they laid the groundwork for much of what followed in the next forty years of the field. He seeded a network of "time sharing" projects around the US that would enable several individual users to directly interact with previously monolithic large-scale computing machines, taking a first step towards the age of personal computing. The five universities thus supported (Stanford, MIT, UC Berkeley, UCLA and Carnegie Mellon) went on to become the core of the academic emerging field of computer science.

虽然利克在ARPA只工作了两年，但他们为该领域未来40年的发展奠定了基础。他在美国各地播下了“分时”项目的种子，这将使多个个人用户能够直接与以前庞大的大型计算机器进行交互，朝着个人计算时代迈出了第一步。因此，支持的五所大学（斯坦福大学、麻省理工学院、加州大学伯克利分校、加州大学洛杉矶分校和卡内基梅隆大学）成为了新兴计算机科学学术领域的核心。

Beyond establishing the computational and scientific backbone of modern computing, Lick was particularly focused on the "human factors" in which he specialized. He aimed to make the network represent these ambitions in two ways that paralleled the social and personal aspects of humanity. On the one hand, he gave particular attention and support to projects he believed could bring computing closer to the lives of more people, integrating with the functioning of human minds. The leading example of this was the Augmentation Research Center established by Douglas Engelbart at Stanford.[^DouglasEngelbart] On the other hand, he dubbed the network of collaboration between these hubs, with his usual tongue-in-cheek, the "Intergalactic Computer Network", and hoped it would provide a model of computer-mediated collaboration and co-governance.[^Memo]

除了建立现代计算的计算和科学支柱之外，利克尤其关注他所专攻的“人为因素”。他旨在使网络以两种与人类社会和个人方面相呼应的方式来体现这些抱负。一方面，他特别关注并支持他认为可以使计算更贴近更多人生活的项目，并与人类思维的功能相结合。这方面最突出的例子是道格拉斯·恩格尔巴特在斯坦福大学建立的增强研究中心[^DouglasEngelbart]。另一方面，他以他通常的俏皮话将这些中心之间的合作网络称为“星际计算机网络”，并希望它能为计算机介导的协作和共同治理提供一个模型[^Memo]。

[^Memo]: J.C.R. Licklider, "Memorandum For: Members and Affiliates of the Intergalactic Computer Network", 1963 available at https://worrydream.com/refs/Licklider_1963_-_Members_and_Affiliates_of_the_Intergalactic_Computer_Network.pdf.

[^Memo]: J.C.R. Licklider，《致星际计算机网络成员和附属机构的备忘录》，1963年，可在https://worrydream.com/refs/Licklider_1963_-_Members_and_Affiliates_of_the_Intergalactic_Computer_Network.pdf处获得。

This project bore fruit in a variety of ways, both immediately and longer-term. Engelbart quickly invented many foundational elements of personal computing, including the mouse, a bitmapped screen that was a core precursor to the graphical user interface and hypertext; his demonstration of this work, six short years after Lick's initial funding, as the "oNLine system" (NLS) is remembered as "the mother of all demos" and a defining moment in the development of personal computers.[^FirstDemo] This in turn helped persuade Xerox Corporation to establish their Palo Alto Research Center (PARC), which went on to pioneer much of personal computing. US News and World Report lists four of the five departments Lick funded as the top four computer science departments in the country.^USNews Most importantly, after Lick's departure to the private sector, the Intergalactic Computer Network developed into something less fanciful and more profound under the leadership of his collaborator, Robert W. Taylor.

该项目在多种方面都取得了成果，既有立即的成果，也有长期的成果。恩格尔巴特很快就发明了许多个人计算的基础元素，包括鼠标、位图屏幕（这是图形用户界面的核心前身）和超文本；在他最初获得资金六年后，他展示了这项工作，“在线系统”（NLS），被认为是“所有演示之母”，也是个人计算机发展中的一个决定性时刻[^FirstDemo]。这反过来又促使施乐公司建立了其帕洛阿尔托研究中心（PARC），该中心后来开创了许多个人计算技术。美国新闻与世界报道将利克资助的五个系中的四个列为该国排名前四的计算机科学系。^USNews 最重要的是，在利克进入私营部门之后，星际计算机网络在他的合作者罗伯特·W·泰勒的领导下发展成了一些不那么奇特、更深刻的东西。

A network of networks

网络的网络

Taylor and Lick were naturally colleagues. While Taylor never completed his PhD, his research field was also psychoacoustics and he served as Lick's counterpart at NASA, which had just split from ARPA, during Lick's leadership at IPTO. Shortly following Lick's departure (in 1965), Taylor moved to IPTO to help develop Lick's networking vision under the leadership of Ivan Sutherland, who then returned to academia, leaving Taylor in charge of IPTO and the network that he more modestly labeled the ARPANET. He used his authority to commission Lick's former home of BBN to build the first working prototype of the ARPANET backbone. With momentum growing through Engelbart's demonstration of personal computing and ARPANET's first successful trials, Lick and Taylor articulated their vision for the future possibilities of personal and social computing in their 1968 article "The Computer as a Communication Device", describing much of what would become the culture of personal computing, internet and even smartphones several decades later.[^Communication]

Taylor和Lick自然而然地成为了同事。虽然Taylor从未完成他的博士学位，但他的研究领域也是心理声学，在Lick领导IPTO期间，他担任Lick在刚从ARPA分离出来的NASA的对应人员。在Lick离开（1965年）后不久，Taylor加入了IPTO，在Ivan Sutherland的领导下帮助发展Lick的网络愿景。Sutherland随后返回学术界，留下Taylor负责IPTO和这个被他更谦逊地称为ARPANET的网络。他利用自己的权力委托Lick以前的单位BBN来构建ARPANET主干网的第一个工作原型。随着Engelbart对个人计算的演示和ARPANET首次成功试验的势头增强，Lick和Taylor在他们1968年的文章《计算机作为一种通信设备》中阐述了他们对个人和社会计算未来可能性的愿景，描述了数十年后将成为个人计算、互联网甚至智能手机文化的大部分内容。[^Communication]

[^Communication]: J.C.R. Licklider and Robert Taylor, "The Computer as a Communication Device" Science and Technology 76, no. 2 (1967): 1-3.

[^Communication]: J.C.R. Licklider和Robert Taylor，《计算机作为一种通信设备》，《科学与技术》76卷，第2期（1967年）：1-3。

By 1969, Taylor felt the mission of the ARPANET was on track to success and moved on to Xerox PARC, where he led the Computer Science Laboratory in developing much of this vision into working prototypes. These in turn became the core of the modern personal computer that Steve Jobs famously "stole" from Xerox to build the Macintosh, while ARPANET evolved into the modern internet.[^Dealers] In short, the technological revolutions of the 1980s and 1990s trace clearly back to this quite small group of innovators in the 1960s. While we will turn to these more broadly-known later developments shortly, it is worth lingering on the core of the research program that made them possible.

到1969年，Taylor认为ARPANET的任务正朝着成功迈进，于是转到了施乐帕洛阿尔托研究中心（Xerox PARC），在那里他领导计算机科学实验室，将这一愿景的大部分转化为可运行的原型。这些原型反过来又成为了现代个人电脑的核心，史蒂夫·乔布斯曾臭名昭著地从施乐“偷窃”了这些原型来制造Macintosh，而ARPANET则发展成了现代互联网。[^Dealers]简而言之，20世纪80年代和90年代的技术革命可以清楚地追溯到20世纪60年代这一相当小的创新者群体。虽然我们很快就会转向这些更广为人知的后期发展，但值得关注的是使这些发展成为可能的核心研究项目。

[^Dealers]: Michael A. Hiltzik, Dealers of Lightning: Xerox PARC and the Dawn of the Computer Age (New York: Harper Business, 2000).

[^Dealers]: Michael A. Hiltzik，《闪电经销商：施乐帕洛阿尔托研究中心和计算机时代的黎明》（纽约：Harper Business，2000年）。

At the core of the development of what became the internet was replacing centralized, linear and atomized structures with ⿻ relationships and governance. This happened at three levels that eventually converged in the early 1990s as the World Wide Web:

在互联网发展核心是是用关系和治理来取代中心化、线性和原子化的结构。这发生在三个层面，最终在20世纪90年代初随着万维网的出现而融合：

1. packet switching to replace centralized switchboards,

   分组交换取代中心化交换机；

2. hypertext to replace linear text,

   超文本取代线性文本；

3. and open standard setting processes to replace both government and corporate top-down decision-making

   开放的标准制定流程取代政府和企业自上而下的决策。

All three ideas had their seeds at the edges of the early community Lick formed and grew into core features of the ARPANET community.

这三个想法的种子都存在于Lick早期形成的社区边缘，并发展成为ARPANET社区的核心特征。

While the concept of networks, redundancy and sharing permeate Lick's original vision, it was Paul Baran's 1964 report "On Distributed Communications" that clearly articulated how and why communications networks should strive for a ⿻ rather than centralized structure.[^Baran]

虽然网络、冗余和共享的概念贯穿于Lick最初的愿景，但Paul Baran 1964年的报告《论分布式通信》清楚地阐述了通信网络为何以及如何应该争取一个非中心化的结构。[^Baran]

[^Baran]: Paul Baran, "On Distributed Communications Networks," IEEE Transactions on Communications Systems 12, no. 1 (1964): 1-9.

[^Baran]: Paul Baran，《论分布式通信网络》，《IEEE通信系统汇刊》12卷，第1期（1964年）：1-9。

Baran argued that while centralized switchboards achieved high reliability at low cost under normal conditions, they were fragile to disruptions. Conversely, networks with many centers could be built with cheap and unreliable components and still withstand even quite devastating attacks by "routing around damage", taking a dynamic path through the network based on availability rather than prespecified planning. While Baran received support and encouragement from scientists at Bell Labs, his ideas were roundly dismissed by AT&T, the national telephone monopoly in whose culture high-quality centralized dedicated machinery was deeply entrenched.

Baran认为，虽然中心化交换机在正常情况下以低成本实现了高可靠性，但它们很容易受到干扰。相反，具有许多中心的网络可以使用廉价和不可靠的组件来构建，并且仍然能够承受相当具有破坏性的攻击，方法是“绕过损坏进行路由”，根据可用性而不是预先指定的计划在网络中采取动态路径。虽然Baran得到了贝尔实验室科学家的支持和鼓励，但他的想法却被AT&T（美国的国家电话垄断企业）断然驳回，在AT&T的文化中，高质量的中心化专用机器根深蒂固。

Despite the apparent threat it posed to that private interest, packet switching caught the positive attention of another organization that owed its genesis to the threat of devastating attacks: ARPA. At a 1967 conference, ARPANET's first program manager, Lawrence Roberts, learned of packet switching through a presentation by Donald Davies, who concurrently and independently developed the same idea as Baran, and drew on Baran's arguments that he soon learned of to sell the concept to the team. Figure A shows the decentralized logical structure of early ARPANET that resulted

尽管分组交换对其既得利益构成了明显的威胁，但它却引起了另一个组织的积极关注，而这个组织的起源也源于毁灭性攻击的威胁：ARPA。在1967年的一次会议上，ARPANET的第一个项目经理Lawrence Roberts通过Donald Davies的演示了解了分组交换，Donald Davies与Baran同时且独立地发展了与Baran相同的想法，并利用他很快了解到的Baran的论点向团队推销了这一概念。图A显示了由此产生的早期ARPANET的去中心化逻辑结构。

早期ARPANET的去中心化逻辑结构。

Figure 3-3-A. Early logical structure of ARPANET. Source: Wikipedia, public domain.

图3-3-A. 早期ARPANET的逻辑结构。来源：维基百科，公共领域。

If one path to networked thinking was thus motivated by technical resilience, another was motivated by creative expression. Ted Nelson trained as a sociologist, was inspired in his work by a visit to campus he hosted in 1959 by cybernetic pioneer Margaret Mead's vision of democratic and pluralistic media and developed into an artist. Following these early experiences, he devoted his life beginning in his early 20s to the development of "Project Xanadu", which aimed to create a revolutionary human-centered interface for computer networks. While Xanadu had so many components that Nelson considered indispensable that it was not released fully until the 2010s, its core idea, co-developed with Engelbart, was "hypertext" as Nelson labeled it.

如果说一条通往网络化思维的道路是由技术弹性驱动的，那么另一条道路则是由创造性表达驱动的。Ted Nelson受过社会学训练，他的作品灵感来自1959年他主办的一次校园访问，当时控制论先驱Margaret Mead提出了关于民主和多元化媒体的愿景，并发展成为一名艺术家。在这些早期经历之后，他从20多岁开始就致力于“Xanadu计划”的开发，该计划旨在为计算机网络创建一个革命性的以人为中心的界面。虽然Xanadu有许多Nelson认为不可或缺的组成部分，直到2010年代才完全发布，但其核心思想（与Engelbart共同开发）是Nelson所说的“超文本”。

Nelson imagined hypertext as a way to liberate communication from the tyranny of a linear interpretation imposed by an original author, empowering a "pluralism" (as he labeled it) of paths through material through a network of (bidirectional) links connecting material in a variety of sequences.[^Nelson] This "choose your own adventure"[^ChooseYourOwnAdventure] quality is most familiar today to internet users in their browsing experiences but showed up earlier in commercial products in the 1980s (such as computer games based on hypercard). Nelson imagined that such ease of navigation and recombination would enable the formation of new cultures and narratives at unprecedented speed and scope. The power of this approach became apparent to the broader world when Tim Berners-Lee made it central to his "World Wide Web" approach to navigation in the early 1990s, ushering in the era of broad adoption of the internet.

Nelson设想超文本是一种将通信从原作者强加的线性解释的暴政中解放出来的方法，通过连接各种序列中的材料的（双向）链接网络，增强对材料路径的“多元化”（如他所称） 。这种“自己选择冒险”[^ChooseYourOwnAdventure] 的特性在当今互联网用户的浏览体验中最常见，但在20世纪80年代的商业产品中（例如基于超卡的电脑游戏）也出现过。Nelson设想，这种简单的导航和重组方式将能够以前所未有的速度和范围形成新的文化和叙事。当Tim Berners-Lee在20世纪90年代初将其作为其“万维网”导航方法的核心时，这种方法的强大之处便显而易见，从而开启了互联网广泛采用的时代。

[^Nelson]: Theodor Holm Nelson, Literary Machines (Self-published, 1981), available at https://cs.brown.edu/people/nmeyrowi/LiteraryMachinesChapter2.pdf

[^Nelson]: Theodor Holm Nelson，《文学机器》（自出版，1981年），可在https://cs.brown.edu/people/nmeyrowi/LiteraryMachinesChapter2.pdf获取。

While Engelbart and Nelson were lifelong friends and shared many similar visions, they took very different paths to realizing them, each of which (as we will see) held an important seed of truth. Engelbart, while also a visionary, was a consummate pragmatist and a smooth political operator, and went on to be recognized as the pioneer of personal computing. Nelson was an artistic purist whose relentless pursuit over decades of Xanadu embodying all of his seventeen enumerated principles buried his career.

虽然Engelbart和Nelson是终生的朋友，并且有着许多相似的愿景，但他们在实现这些愿景的道路上却走了截然不同的道路，每条道路（正如我们将看到的）都包含着一个重要的真理的种子。Engelbart虽然也是一位有远见的领导者，但他是一位圆满的实用主义者和一位圆滑的政治家，并最终被公认为个人计算的先驱。Nelson是一位艺术纯粹主义者，几十年来对Xanadu的无情追求体现了他列出的所有十七个原则，这掩盖了他的事业。

As an active participant in Lick's network, Engelbart conversely tempered his ambition with the need to persuade other network nodes to support, adopt or at least inter-operate with his approach. As different user interfaces and networking protocols proliferated, retreated from the pursuit of perfection. Engelbart, and even more his colleagues across the project, instead began to develop a culture of collegiality, facilitated by the communication network they were building, across the often competing universities they worked at. The physical separation made tight coordination of networks impossible, but work to ensure minimal inter-operation and spreading of clear best practices became a core characteristic of the ARPANET community.

作为Lick网络的积极参与者，Engelbart相反地用说服其他网络节点支持、采用或至少与他的方法互操作的需要来磨练他的雄心。随着不同的用户界面和网络协议的激增，他放弃了对完美的追求。Engelbart，甚至更重要的是他的项目中的同事们，开始培养一种同事关系的文化，这种文化是由他们正在构建的通信网络促进的，他们工作的大学之间经常存在竞争。物理上的隔离使得网络的紧密协调变得不可能，但确保最低限度的互操作性和传播明确的最佳实践成为ARPANET社区的一个核心特征。

This culture manifested in the development of the "Request for Comments" (RFC) process by Steve Crocker, arguably one of the first "wiki"-like processes of informal and mostly additive collaboration across many geographically and sectorally (governmental, corporate, university) dispersed collaborators. This in turn contributed to the common Network Control Protocol and, eventually, Transmission Control and Internet Protocols (TCP/IP) under the famously mission-driven but inclusive and responsive leadership of Vint Cerf and Bob Kahn between 1974 when TCP was first circulated as RFC 675 and 1983 when they became the official ARPANET protocols. At the core of the approach was the vision of a "network of networks" that gave the "internet" its name: that many diverse and local networks (at universities, corporations and government agencies) could inter-operate sufficiently to permit the near-seamless communication across long distances, in contrast to centralized networks (such as France's concurrent Minitel) that were standardized from the top down by a government.[^Minitel] Together these three dimensions of networking (of technical communication protocols, communicative content and governance of standards) converged to create the internet we know today.

这种文化体现在Steve Crocker开发的“请求评论”（RFC）流程中，这可以说是第一个类似“维基”的流程，它是在许多地理位置和部门（政府、企业、大学）分散的合作者之间进行非正式的、主要是有增无减的协作。这反过来又促成了共同的网络控制协议，最终促成了传输控制协议和互联网协议（TCP/IP），在以使命为导向但包容和响应迅速的Vint Cerf和Bob Kahn的领导下，从1974年TCP首次作为RFC 675发行到1983年它们成为官方ARPANET协议。这种方法的核心是“网络的网络”的愿景，这赋予了“互联网”其名称：许多不同且本地化的网络（在大学、企业和政府机构）可以充分地互操作，从而允许跨越长距离的近乎无缝的通信，这与自上而下由政府标准化的中心化网络（如法国同时期的Minitel）形成对比。[^Minitel]这三个网络维度（技术通信协议、通信内容和标准治理）共同融合，创造了我们今天所知的互联网。

[^Minitel]: Mailland and Driscoll, op. cit.

[^Minitel]: Mailland和Driscoll，同上。

Triumph and tragedy

胜利与悲剧

Much of what resulted from this project is so broadly known it hardly bears repeating here. During the 1970's, Taylor's Xerox PARC produced a series of expensive, and thus commercially unsuccessful, but revolutionary "personal workstations" that incorporated much of what became the personal computer of the 1990s. At the same time, as computer components were made available to broader populations, businesses like Apple and Microsoft began to make cheaper and less user-friendly machines available broadly. Struggling to commercialize its inventions, Xerox allowed Apple Co-Founder Steve Jobs access to its technology in exchange for a stake, resulting in the Macintosh's ushering in of modern personal computing and Microsoft's subsequent mass scaling through their Windows operating system. By 2000, a majority of Americans had a personal computer in their homes. Internet use has steadily spread, as pictured in Figure B.

这个项目产生的许多成果是如此广为人知，几乎无需在此赘述。在20世纪70年代，Taylor领导下的施乐帕洛阿尔托研究中心（Xerox PARC）生产了一系列昂贵且因此商业上并不成功的革命性“个人工作站”，其中包含了20世纪90年代个人电脑的大部分功能。与此同时，随着计算机组件向更广泛的人群开放，像苹果和微软这样的公司开始广泛提供更便宜、用户体验更差的机器。施乐努力将其发明商业化，允许苹果联合创始人史蒂夫·乔布斯访问其技术以换取股份，这导致Macintosh的出现，从而引领了现代个人计算，微软随后通过其Windows操作系统进行了大规模扩展。到2000年，大多数美国人在家里都拥有一台个人电脑。互联网的使用稳步增长，如图B所示。

过去几十年中，在线人口比例的快速增长。

Figure 3-3-B. Population share with internet access over time in the world and various regions. Source: Our World in Data.[^WiD]

图3-3-B. 世界各地和各个地区互联网接入人口比例随时间变化情况。来源：Our World in Data。[^WiD]

[^WiD]: World Bank, "World Development Indicators" December 20, 2023 at https://datacatalog.worldbank.org/search/dataset/0037712/World-Development-Indicators.

[^WiD]：世界银行，《世界发展指标》，2023年12月20日，网址：https://datacatalog.worldbank.org/search/dataset/0037712/World-Development-Indicators。

The internet and its discontents

互联网及其不满

And much as it had developed in parallel from the start, the internet grew to connect those personal computers. During the late 1960s and early 1970s, a variety of networks grew up in parallel to the largest ARPANET, including at universities, governments outside the United States, international standards bodies and inside corporations like BBN and Xerox. Under the leadership of Kahn and Cerf and with support from ARPA (now renamed DARPA to emphasize its "defense" focus), these networks began to harness the TCP/IP protocol to inter-operate. As this network scaled, DARPA looked for another agency to maintain it, given the limits of its advanced technology mission. While many US government agencies took their hand, the National Science Foundation had the widest group of scientific participants and their NSFNET quickly grew to be the largest network, leading ARPANET to be decommissioned in 1990. At the same time, NSFNET began to interconnect with networks in other wealthy countries.

互联网从一开始就平行发展，它逐渐连接了个人电脑。在20世纪60年代末和70年代初，各种网络与最大的ARPANET平行发展，包括大学、美国以外的政府、国际标准机构以及BBN和施乐等公司内部的网络。在卡恩和瑟夫的领导下，并在ARPA（现改名为DARPA以强调其“国防”重点）的支持下，这些网络开始利用TCP/IP协议进行互操作。随着这个网络规模的扩大，考虑到其先进技术使命的局限性，DARPA开始寻找另一个机构来维护它。虽然许多美国政府机构都伸出了援手，但国家科学基金会拥有最广泛的科学参与者群体，他们的NSFNET迅速发展成为最大的网络，导致ARPANET在1990年退役。与此同时，NSFNET开始与其他富裕国家的网络互联。

One of those was the United Kingdom, where researcher Tim Berners-Lee in 1989 proposed a "web browser", "web server" and a Hypertext Mark-Up Language (HTML) that fully connected hypertext to packet-switching and made internet content far more available to a broad set of end users. From the launch of Berners-Lee's World Wide Web (WWW) in 1991, internet usage grew from roughly 4 million people (mostly in North America) to over 400 million (mostly around the world) by the end of the millennium. With internet start-ups booming in Silicon Valley and life for many beginning its migration online though the computers many now had in their home, the era of networked personal computing (of "The Computer as a Communication Device") had arrived.[^ComputerasCommunicationDevice]

其中一个国家是英国，1989年，研究员蒂姆·伯纳斯-李提出了“网络浏览器”、“网络服务器”和超文本标记语言（HTML），它将超文本完全连接到分组交换，并使互联网内容更容易被广大最终用户获得。从伯纳斯-李的万维网（WWW）在1991年启动以来，互联网用户从大约400万人（主要在北美）增长到到千禧年末的超过4亿人（主要在世界各地）。随着硅谷互联网初创企业的蓬勃发展，许多人的生活开始通过他们现在家中拥有的电脑迁移到网上，“网络个人计算时代”（“计算机作为通信设备”）到来了。[^ComputerasCommunicationDevice]

In the boom and bust euphoria of the turn of the millennium, few people in the tech world paid attention to the specter haunting the industry, the long-forgotten Ted Nelson. Stuck on his decades-long quest for the ideal networking and communication system, Nelson ceaselessly warned of the insecurity, exploitative structure and inhumane features of the emerging WWW design. Without secure identity systems (Xanadu Principles 1 and 3), a mixture of anarchy and land-grabs by nation states and corporate actors would be inevitable. Without embedded protocols for commerce (Xanadu Principles 9 and 15), online work would become devalued or the financial system controlled by monopolies. Without better structures for secure information sharing and control (Xanadu Principles 8 and 16), both surveillance and information siloing would be pervasive. Whatever its apparent success, the WWW-Internet was doomed to end badly.

在千禧年之交的繁荣与萧条的狂热中，科技界几乎没有人关注困扰该行业的幽灵——早已被遗忘的泰德·尼尔森。尼尔森坚持了他长达数十年的对理想网络和通信系统的追求，他不断警告说，新兴的万维网设计存在不安全、剥削性和不人道等特征。如果没有安全的身份系统（Xanadu原则1和3），由民族国家和公司行为者组成的无政府状态和土地掠夺将不可避免。如果没有嵌入式商业协议（Xanadu原则9和15），在线工作将贬值，或者金融系统将被垄断企业控制。如果没有更好的安全信息共享和控制结构（Xanadu原则8和16），监控和信息孤岛现象将普遍存在。无论其表面上的成功如何，万维网-互联网注定要以糟糕的方式结束。

While Nelson was something of an oddball, his concerns were surprisingly broadly shared among even the mainstream internet pioneers who would seem to have every reason to celebrate their success. As early as 1980, while TCP/IP was coalescing, Lick foresaw in his classic essay "Computers and Government" "two scenarios" (one good, the other bad) for the future of computing: it could be dominated and its potential stifled by monopolistic corporate control or there could be a full societal mobilization that made computing serve and support democracy.[^ComputGov] In the former scenario, Lick projected all kinds of social ills, one that might make the advent of the information age a net detractor to democratic social flourishing. These included:

虽然尼尔森有点古怪，但他的担忧在主流互联网先驱中也得到了令人惊讶的广泛认同，这些先驱似乎有充分的理由庆祝他们的成功。早在1980年，当TCP/IP正在融合的时候，利克莱德在他经典的论文《计算机与政府》中预见了计算未来的“两种情景”（一种好，一种坏）：它可能被垄断性公司控制，并扼杀其潜力；或者可能出现全民动员，使计算服务和支持民主。[^ComputGov]在前一种情况下，利克莱德预测了各种社会弊端，这些弊端可能会使信息时代的到来成为阻碍民主社会繁荣的净减员。这些包括：

[^ComputGov]: Licklider, "Comptuers and Government", op. cit.

[^ComputGov]：利克莱德，《计算机与政府》，同上。

1. Pervasive surveillance and public distrust of government.

   普遍存在的监控和公众对政府的不信任。

2. Paralysis of government's ability to regulate or enforce laws, as they fall behind the dominant technologies citizens use.

   政府监管或执行法律的能力瘫痪，因为它们落后于公民使用的主要技术。

3. Debasement of creative professions.

   创意职业的贬值。

4. Monopolization and corporate exploitation.

   垄断和公司剥削。

5. Pervasive digital misinformation.

   普遍存在的数字虚假信息。

6. Siloing of information that undermines much of the potential of networking.

   信息孤岛化破坏了网络的许多潜力。

7. Government data and statistics becoming increasingly inaccurate and irrelevant.

   政府数据和统计数据变得越来越不准确和不相关。

8. Control by private entities of the fundamental platforms for speech and public discourse.

   私营实体控制着言论和公共话语的基本平台。

The wider internet adoption spread, the less relevant such complaints appeared. Government did not end up playing as central of a role as he imagined, but by 2000 most of the few commentators who were even aware of his warnings assumed we were surely on the path of Lick's scenario 2. Yet in a few places, concern was growing by late in the first decade of the new millennium. Virtual reality pioneer Jaron Lanier sounded the alarm in two books You are Not a Gadget and Who Owns The Future?, highlighting Nelson's and his own version of Lick's concerns about the future of the internet.[^Jaron] While these initially appeared simply an amplification of Nelson's fringe ideas, a series of world events that we discuss in the Information Technology and Democracy: a Widening Gulf above eventually brought much of the world around to seeing the limitations of the internet economy and society that had developed, helping ignite the Techlash. These patterns bore a striking resemblance to Lick and Nelson's warnings. The victory of the internet may have been far more Pyrrhic than it at first seemed.

互联网的广泛采用传播得越广，这些抱怨似乎就越不相关。政府最终没有发挥他想象的那么重要的作用，但到2000年，大多数甚至意识到他警告的评论员都认为我们肯定走在利克莱德设想的情景2的道路上。然而，在一些地方，到新千年第一个十年末，这种担忧越来越大。虚拟现实先驱杰伦·拉尼尔在《你不是一个工具》和《谁拥有未来？》两本书中发出了警报，强调了尼尔森和他自己对互联网未来的担忧，这与利克莱德的担忧版本相符。[^Jaron]虽然这些最初看起来只是对尼尔森边缘思想的放大，但我们在上文中讨论的“信息技术与民主：日益扩大的差距”中的系列世界事件最终使世界各地的人们开始认识到已经发展起来的互联网经济和社会的局限性，这有助于引发科技反弹。这些模式与利克莱德和尼尔森的警告惊人地相似。互联网的胜利可能比最初看起来要悲惨得多。

[^Jaron]: Jaron Lanier, You Are Not a Gadget: A Manifesto (New York: Vintage, 2011) and Who Owns the Future? (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2014).

[^Jaron]：杰伦·拉尼尔，《你不是一个工具：宣言》（纽约：文摘社，2011年）和《谁拥有未来？》（纽约：西蒙与舒斯特，2014年）。

Losing our dao

失去我们的道

How did we fall into a trap clearly described by the founders of hypertext and the internet? After having led the development of the internet, why did government and the universities not rise to the challenge of the information age following the 1970s?

我们是如何落入超文本和互联网创始人明确描述的陷阱的呢？在领导了互联网的发展之后，为什么政府和大学没有在20世纪70年代之后迎接信息时代的挑战呢？

It was the warning signs that motivated Lick to put pen to paper in 1980 as the focus of ARPA (now DARPA) shifted away from support for networking protocols towards more directly weapons-oriented research. Lick saw this resulting from two forces on opposite ends of the political spectrum. On the one hand, with the rise of "small government conservatism" that would later be labeled "neoliberalism", government was retreating from proactively funding and shaping industry and technology. On the other hand, the Vietnam War turned much of the left against the role of the defense establishment in shaping research, leading to the Mansfield Amendments of 1970, 1971 and 1973 that prohibited ARPA from funding any research not directly related to the "defense function".[^Mansfield] Together these were redirecting DARPA's focus to technologies like cryptography and artificial intelligence that were seen as directly supporting military objectives.

正是这些警告信号促使利克莱德在1980年提笔写作，当时ARPA（现为DARPA）的重点从支持网络协议转向更直接的武器导向研究。利克莱德认为这是由政治光谱两端的力量造成的。一方面，随着后来被称为“新自由主义”的“小政府保守主义”的兴起，政府正在从积极资助和塑造产业和技术中撤退。另一方面，越南战争使左翼的大部分人反对国防机构在塑造研究中的作用，导致1970年、1971年和1973年的曼斯菲尔德修正案，该修正案禁止ARPA资助任何与“国防职能”没有直接关系的研究。[^Mansfield]这些共同导致DARPA将重点转向密码学和人工智能等被认为直接支持军事目标的技术。

[^Mansfield]: Phil Williams, "Whatever Happened to the Mansfield Amendment?" Survival: Global Politics and Strategy 18, no. 4 (1976): 146-153 and "The Mansfield Amendment of 1971" in The Senate and US Troops in Europe (London, Palgrave Macmillan: 1985): pp. 169-204.

[^Mansfield]：菲尔·威廉姆斯，《曼斯菲尔德修正案怎么了？》生存：全球政治与战略18，第4号（1976）：146-153和《1971年的曼斯菲尔德修正案》载于《参议院与美国驻欧洲军队》（伦敦，帕尔格雷夫·麦克米伦：1985）：第169-204页。

Yet even if the attention of the US government had not shifted, the internet was quickly growing out of its purview and control. As it became an increasingly global network, there was (as Dewey predicted) no clear public authority to make the investments needed to deal with the socio-technical challenges needed to make a network society a broader success. To quote Lick

然而，即使美国政府的注意力没有转移，互联网也迅速发展到其管辖和控制范围之外。随着它成为一个日益全球化的网络，正如杜威所预测的那样，没有明确的公共机构能够进行必要的投资，以应对使网络社会取得更大成功的社会技术挑战。引用利克莱德的话：

From the point of view of computer technology itself, export...fosters computer research and development [but that] (f)rom the point of view of mankind...the important thing would...be a wise rather than a rapid...development...Such crucial issues as security, privacy, preparedness, participation, and brittleness must be properly resolved before one can conclude that computerization and programmation are good for the individual and society...Although I do not have total confidence in the ability of the United States to resolve those issues wisely, I think it is more likely than any other country to do so. That makes me doubt whether export of computer technology will do as much for mankind as a vigorous effort by the United States to figure out what kind of future it really wants and then to develop the technology needed to realize it.

从计算机技术本身的角度来看，出口……促进了计算机的研究和发展，[但是]（从）人类的角度来看……重要的是……明智而不是快速……发展……在得出计算机化和程序设计对个人和社会有益的结论之前，必须妥善解决安全、隐私、准备、参与和脆弱性等关键问题……虽然我不完全相信美国能够明智地解决这些问题，但我认为它比其他任何国家都更有可能做到这一点。这让我怀疑，出口计算机技术是否会像美国大力努力弄清楚它真正想要什么样的未来，然后开发实现这一目标所需的技术那样，为人类带来益处。

The declining role of public and social sector investment left core functions/layers that leaders like Lick and Nelson saw for the internet (e.g. identity, privacy/security, asset sharing, commerce) to which we return below absent. While there were tremendous advances to come in both applications running on top of the internet and in the WWW, much of the fundamental investment in protocols was wrapping up by the time of Lick's writing. The role of the public and social sectors in defining and innovating the network of networks was soon eclipsed.

公共和社会部门投资作用的下降导致利克莱德和尼尔森等领导人设想的互联网核心功能/层（例如身份、隐私/安全、资产共享、商业）缺失，我们将在下面详细讨论。虽然互联网上运行的应用程序以及万维网方面都取得了巨大的进步，但在利克莱德写作时，对协议的许多基本投资已经结束。公共和社会部门在定义和创新网络网络中的作用很快就被超越了。

Into the resulting vacuum stepped the increasingly eager private sector, flush with the success of the personal computer and inflated by the stirring celebrations of Reagan and Thatcher. While the International Business Machines (IBM) that Lick feared would dominate and hamper the internet's development proved unable to keep pace with technological change, it found many willing and able successors. A small group of telecommunications companies took over the internet backbone that the NSF freely relinquished. Web portals, like America Online and Prodigy came to dominate most Americans' interactions with the web, as Netscape and Microsoft vied to dominate web browsing. The neglected identity functions were filled by the rise of Google and Facebook. Absent digital payments were filled in by PayPal and Stripe. Absent the protocols for sharing data, computational power and storage that motivated work on the Intergalactic Computer Network in the first place, private infrastructures (often called "cloud providers") that empowered such sharing (such as Amazon Web Services and Microsoft Azure) became the platforms for building applications.[^Tarnoff]

在由此产生的真空状态下，日益渴望的私营部门涌现出来，它凭借个人电脑的成功而欣欣向荣，并被里根和撒切尔令人振奋的庆祝活动所推动。虽然利克莱德担心的国际商用机器公司（IBM）将主导并阻碍互联网的发展，但它未能跟上技术变化的步伐，但它找到了许多愿意且能够的继任者。一小群电信公司接管了NSF无偿放弃的互联网骨干网。像美国在线和Prodigy这样的网络门户网站开始主导大多数美国人与网络的互动，而Netscape和微软则争相主导网络浏览。被忽视的身份功能被谷歌和Facebook的兴起所填补。缺失的数字支付被PayPal和Stripe所填补。最初推动星际计算机网络工作的共享数据、计算能力和存储的协议缺失，私有基础设施（通常称为“云提供商”）使这种共享成为可能（例如亚马逊网络服务和微软Azure）成为构建应用程序的平台。[^Tarnoff]

[^Tarnoff]: Ben Tarnoff, Internet for the People: The Fight for Our Digital Future (New York: Verso, 2022).

[^Tarnoff]：本·塔诺夫，《人民的互联网：为我们的数字未来而战》（纽约：Verso，2022年）。

While the internet backbone continued to improve in limited ways, adding security layers and some encryption, the basic features Lick and Nelson saw as essential were never integrated. Public financial support for the networking protocols largely dried up, with remaining open source development largely consisting of volunteer work or work supported by private corporations. As the world woke to the Age of the Internet, the dreams of its founders faded.

尽管互联网骨干网在有限的方面不断改进，增加了安全层和一些加密措施，但利克和尼尔森认为至关重要的基本功能从未被整合。对网络协议的公共财政支持基本上枯竭了，剩下的开源开发主要由志愿者工作或私营公司支持的工作组成。随着世界步入互联网时代，其创始人的梦想也逐渐消逝。

Quality Control and Nameraka Society

质量控制与“なめらか”社会

While the internet was developed primarily in the United States, cybernetic ideas were taking root and evolving along quite different paths elsewhere in the world. Perhaps nowhere was this more evident than in Japan, where the influence of Wiener's ideas became spread not through computer networks, but through approaches to industrial organization and social theory. In a striking parallel to how the internet pioneers sought to reshape communication through technological networks, Japanese practitioners were applying cybernetic principles to reshape manufacturing processes and eventually, social organization itself. After World War II, Japan was materially and psychologically devastated. Nevertheless, the country’s postwar recovery proceeded at a remarkable pace, and Japan transformed itself into the global leader in manufacturing in the 1980s. The management and production practices via feedback loops, the “PDCA cycle (Plan-Do-Check-Act)” and “Kaizen”, played a major role in this transformation. Such product management practices are another triumph of Wiener's cybernetic concept in Japan.

虽然互联网主要在美国发展，但控制论思想在世界其他地方却扎根并沿着截然不同的道路发展。也许在日本，这一点最为明显，维纳思想的影响并非通过计算机网络传播，而是通过工业组织和社会理论的方法传播。与互联网先驱者试图通过技术网络重塑沟通的方式惊人地相似，日本实践者正在应用控制论原理来重塑制造流程，最终重塑社会组织本身。二战后，日本在物质和心理上都遭受了破坏。然而，该国的战后恢复以惊人的速度进行，并在20世纪80年代成为全球制造业的领导者。通过反馈循环的管理和生产实践，“PDCA循环（计划-执行-检查-行动）”和“改进”，在这个转型中发挥了重要作用。这种产品管理实践是维纳控制论概念在日本的又一成功案例。

In the early postwar period, Japan had yet to develop robust infrastructure for mass-producing industrial goods or a solid technological framework to ensure high-quality manufacturing. Products were often deemed substandard. In 1950, the Union of Japanese Scientists and Engineers (JUSE) asked W. Edwards Deming, an American statistician, to open a lecture series about quality control (QC) during his stay in Japan. [^Deming] [^JUSE] The series on QC and his management philosophy profoundly impacted a large number of Japanese business leaders, managers, engineers, and researchers. Deming emphasized that QC should not be viewed simply as the problem of “weeding out defective products through inspection” but rather as a total process in which the production loop itself is statistically managed and repeatedly improved. Deming also urged top management to engage in communications with engineers and workers and to build an organizational culture that improves processes by recognizing their awareness of total QC for manufacturing. This move toward process-focused improvement changed the fundamental way of Japanese manufacturing. In 1951, JUSE solidified Deming's ideas by establishing the Deming Prize. The award celebrates companies and individuals who made remarkable contributions to the advancement of QC. Around the same time, Toyota—a corporation that would later become one of the world’s largest—shifted from inspection-centric QC to a more process-centric approach. [^Toyota] Over the years, these evolving practices came to be known collectively as the PDCA cycle and Kaizen, eventually gaining widespread acceptance across Japanese industries. The practices are one of achievements by demonstrating Wiener's cybernetic concept of feedback loops for self-adaptation.

在战后初期，日本尚未发展出大规模生产工业品的健全基础设施或确保高质量制造的坚实技术框架。产品往往被认为不合格。1950年，日本科学家和工程师联盟（JUSE）邀请美国统计学家W·爱德华兹·戴明在日本期间开设关于质量控制（QC）的讲座系列。[^Deming] [^JUSE] 关于质量控制的系列讲座及其管理理念深刻地影响了众多日本商界领袖、管理人员、工程师和研究人员。戴明强调，质量控制不应仅仅被视为“通过检验剔除缺陷产品”的问题，而应被视为一个生产循环本身得到统计管理和反复改进的完整过程。戴明还敦促高层管理人员与工程师和工人进行沟通，并建立一种通过认识到他们对制造业全面质量控制的意识来改进流程的组织文化。这种转向以流程为中心的改进改变了日本制造业的基本方式。1951年，JUSE通过设立戴明奖巩固了戴明的思想。该奖项旨在表彰为质量控制进步做出杰出贡献的公司和个人。大约在同一时间，丰田——一家后来成为全球最大公司之一的公司——从以检验为中心的质量控制转向了更以流程为中心的方法。[^Toyota]多年来，这些不断发展的实践被称为PDCA循环和改进，最终在日本各行各业得到广泛认可。这些实践是通过展示维纳控制论关于自适应反馈循环的概念而取得的成就之一。

Wiener’s cybernetic feedback loops also provided the groundwork for what would later be called “complex systems” in the 1980s. Complex systems, initiated by Stuart Kauffman and others, focuses on the higher-order patterns and order (self-organization and emergent phenomena) that emerge from the interactions among numerous elements—be they humans, cells, molecules, or computers—patterns that would not otherwise arise from the individual elements alone. Cybernetics and complex systems share a common question about how systems dynamically change, learn, and maintain or create order. Building on the basis of cybernetics, fields including complex systems, artificial life, artificial intelligence, and internet technology flourished in natural science and engineering. As the internet rapidly expanded in the 1990s, questions arose about how these technologies could be used to improve social systems. Ken Suzuki, both a researcher in complex systems and artificial life as well as an entrepreneur, presented his vision of the "Nameraka Society" in the 2000s that might be realized 300 years in the future. He later summarized his ideas in his influential Japanese book "The Nameraka Society and Its Enemies" (なめらかな社会とその敵). [^NamerakaSociety]

维纳的控制论反馈循环也为后来在20世纪80年代被称为“复杂系统”奠定了基础。复杂系统，由斯图尔特·考夫曼等人发起，关注的是从众多元素（无论是人类、细胞、分子还是计算机）的相互作用中产生的高阶模式和秩序（自组织和涌现现象）——这些模式并非单独的元素所能产生的。控制论和复杂系统都关注一个共同的问题：系统如何动态地变化、学习以及维持或创造秩序。在控制论的基础上，包括复杂系统、人工生命、人工智能和互联网技术在内的领域在自然科学和工程学中蓬勃发展。随着互联网在20世纪90年代迅速扩张，人们开始质疑如何利用这些技术来改善社会系统。铃木健，一位复杂系统和人工生命研究员兼企业家，在21世纪提出了“なめらか社会”的愿景，这可能在300年后实现。他后来在他的有影响力的日语著作《なめらかな社会とその敵》中总结了他的想法。[^NamerakaSociety]

"Nameraka Society" is a vision for creating systems that transcend human cognitive limitations through technology, and generates a more network-like society where people can live with full complexity. Suzuki understands the world as a complex web-like network. Within this world, systems emerge that, like cell membranes, create boundaries between inside (body) and outside (environment), leading to self-adaptive systems for the body to recognize its environment.

“なめらか社会”是通过技术创造超越人类认知限制的系统的愿景，并创造一个更像网络的社会，人们可以在其中生活在充满复杂性的环境中。铃木将世界理解为一个复杂的网络状网络。在这个世界中，系统会像细胞膜一样，在内部（身体）和外部（环境）之间形成边界，从而形成自适应系统，使身体能够识别其环境。

This membrane-like existence is scale-free and, through our evolutionary history, has been applied to society, leading to institutions like modern nations that strictly require membership of their citizenships. Meanwhile, "nucleus"-like entities also emerge as scale-free mechanisms that control the cell itself through parameters with few degrees of freedom, such as DNA. The “nucleus” functions as the ego that distinguishes between self and others functions at the individual level, and state power at the societal level. Because these characteristics of membrane and nucleus repeat throughout our evolutionary history, our society is also formed as membranes (separation of inside and outside) and nuclei(power and authority), preventing the resolution of binary oppositions.

这种类似膜的存在是无标度的，并且通过我们的进化史，它已被应用于社会，导致了像现代民族国家这样的机构，这些机构严格要求其公民的成员资格。同时，“细胞核”状的实体也作为无标度的机制出现，通过自由度较少的参数（如DNA）来控制细胞本身。“细胞核”作为区分自我与他人的自我功能在个体层面起作用，在社会层面起着国家权力作用。因为膜和细胞核的这些特征在我们进化史中反复出现，所以我们的社会也形成膜（内部和外部的分离）和细胞核（权力和权威），阻止了二元对立的解决。

Through technology, his vision attempts to resolve such membranes and nuclei structures, and make our lives a more network-like structure. In a Nameraka Society, individuals no longer exist as such, but rather as "dividuals" (分人) - multi-agent systems constructed through the collaboration of multiple cells, including neural networks in the brain.[^dividual] Drawing on Carl Schmitt's concept of friend and enemy, Suzuki also pointed out that Nameraka society must overcome boundaries between friend and enemy by smooth technological management of violence [^Schmitt]. As a result, people can belong to multiple communities simultaneously without society expecting them to maintain a single identity.

通过技术，他的愿景试图解决这种膜和细胞核结构，使我们的生活更像网络结构。“なめらか社会”中，个体不再作为个体存在，而是作为“分人”（dividual）——通过多个细胞（包括大脑中的神经网络）的协作构建的多智能体系统。[^dividual] 借鉴卡尔·施米特的“朋友与敌人”概念，铃木还指出，“なめらか社会”必须通过对暴力的平滑技术管理来克服朋友与敌人之间的界限[^Schmitt]。因此，人们可以同时属于多个社区，而社会不必期望他们保持单一身份。

Around 2005, Suzuki further proposed the concept of "Constructive Social Contract Theory." This aimed to create a society under the law which could be automatically executed using human-and-machine-readable legal languages. This vision preceded the 2014 invention of Ethereum, which built a foundation for social contracts based on automatically executing smart contracts with blockchain. Suzuki seems to believe that for Dewey's emergent publics to flourish, the source of power itself must be emergent. Based on these ideas, he has also proposed experimental ideas and social systems such as dividual democracy a.k.a. “divicracy" (分人民主主義) [^divicracy], which allows for division and delegation of votes, and PICSY (Propagational Investment Currency SYstem) [^PICSY], a monetary system where contributions and value propagate. The Nameraka Society’s vision and initiatives continue to influence many Japanese social scientists and engineers including Takahiro Anno, who ran for the 2024 Tokyo gubernatorial election demonstrating digital democracy. [^Anno]

大约在2005年，铃木进一步提出了“建设性社会契约理论”的概念。其目标是在法律之下创建一个社会，该社会可以使用人机可读的法律语言自动执行。这一愿景先于2014年以太坊的发明，以太坊为基于自动执行区块链智能合约的社会契约奠定了基础。铃木似乎认为，为了让杜威的新兴公众蓬勃发展，权力本身的来源必须是新兴的。基于这些理念，他还提出了实验性的理念和社会制度，例如“分人民主主义”（divicracy）[^divicracy]，允许投票的划分和委托，以及PICSY（传播性投资货币系统）[^PICSY]，一种贡献和价值传播的货币系统。“なめらか社会”的愿景和倡议继续影响着许多日本社会科学家和工程师，包括参加2024年东京都知事选举以展示数字民主的安野高弘。[^Anno]

The insights taken from Japan's postwar recovery—namely, the practices of feedback loops and the culture of continuous improvement—reflect the principles of cybernetics. Suzuki's vision for applying these insights to today's digital, networked world can be seen as a project to rediscover and reconstruct "another lost dao". While these developments occurred largely in parallel to and separate from the internet evolution, they represent another path toward realizing cybernetic thinking.

从日本战后重建中获得的见解——即反馈循环的实践和持续改进的文化——反映了控制论的原则。铃木将这些见解应用于当今数字网络世界的愿景，可以被视为重新发现和重建“另一种迷失之道”的项目。虽然这些发展大部分与互联网的演变平行且分开进行，但它们代表了实现控制论思想的另一条路径。

[^Deming]: Deming was a member of the Teleological Society with Wiener, Turing, von Neumann, and others during and after World War II. The society was an antecedent to the worldwide groundwork for cybernetics. It is uncertain that Deming had direct influence from Wiener’s cybernetics but his system design of total quality management has been recognized as a cybernetic organization. Jenkinson, A. “Management,” Cybernetics Society., Dec 22, 2024. https://cybsoc.org/?page_id=1489 [^JUSE]: JUSE. “How was the Deming Prize Established,” Dec 22, 2024. https://www.juse.or.jp/deming_en/award/ [^Toyota]: Toyota introduced QC in the early 1950s, and won the Deming Prize in 1965. Toyota Motor Corporation. "Changes and Innovations - Total Quality Management (TQM)," 75 Years of TOYOTA., Dec 22, 2024.　https://www.toyota-global.com/company/history_of_toyota/75years/data/management/tqm/changes.html [^NamerakaSociety]: Ken Suzuki, "The Nameraka Society and Its Enemies" (なめらかな社会とその敵), (Keiso Shobo publishing, 2013). [^dividual]: ジンメルの交差的(非)個人との共通性もみられる。ジンメルが社会的関係性からdividualを見たのに加えたが、鈴木はより生物学的視点から考察を試みたドゥルーズの”dividual”から着想している。 Gilles Deleuze, “Pourparlers” (Paris: les Editions de Minui, 1990) [^Schmitt]: Carl Schmitt, Der Begriff des Politischen (Berlin: Duncker & Humbolt, 1932) [^divicracy]: Dividual democracy allows delegation of one's vote to others and splitting one's vote to multiple political issues. We will return to dividual democracy in the 5-6 voting - ⿻ Voting tomorrow footnote. [^PICSY]: PICSY (Propagational Investment Currency SYstem) is a kind of currency system. We will return to PICSY in the 5-7 social markets - Frontiers of social markets footnote. [^Anno]: We will return to his detailed campaign during the 2024 Tokyo gubernatorial election in the 5-4 augmented-deliberation section.

[^Deming]：戴明在二战期间和之后与维纳、图灵、冯·诺依曼等人一起是目的论学会的成员。该学会是控制论全球基础的先驱。不确定戴明是否直接受到维纳控制论的影响，但他的全面质量管理系统设计已被认为是一个控制论组织。Jenkinson, A. “Management,” Cybernetics Society., Dec 22, 2024. https://cybsoc.org/?page_id=1489 [^JUSE]：JUSE。“戴明奖是如何设立的，”Dec 22, 2024. https://www.juse.or.jp/deming_en/award/ [^Toyota]：丰田在20世纪50年代初期引进了质量控制，并在1965年获得了戴明奖。丰田汽车公司。“变革与创新——全面质量管理（TQM）”，丰田75周年纪念，Dec 22, 2024。　https://www.toyota-global.com/company/history_of_toyota/75years/data/management/tqm/changes.html [^NamerakaSociety]：铃木健，《なめらかな社会とその敵》（庆应义塾大学出版社，2013年）。[^dividual]：ジンメルの交差的(非)個人との共通性もみられる。ジンメルが社会的関係性からdividualを見たのに加えたが、鈴木はより生物学的視点から考察を試みたドゥルーズの”dividual”から着想している。Gilles Deleuze, “Pourparlers” (Paris: les Editions de Minui, 1990) [^Schmitt]：卡尔·施米特，《政治概念》(柏林：邓克和洪堡出版社，1932年) [^divicracy]：分人民主允许将自己的选票委托给他人，并将自己的选票分成多个政治问题。我们将在5-6投票-⿻明天的投票脚注中回到分人民主。[^PICSY]：PICSY（传播性投资货币系统）是一种货币系统。我们将在5-7社会市场——社会市场的边界脚注中回到PICSY。[^Anno]：我们将在5-4增强型审议部分详细介绍他在2024年东京都知事选举中的竞选活动。

Flashbacks

倒叙

Yet faded dreams have a stubborn persistence, nagging throughout a day. While Lick passed away in 1990, many of the early internet pioneers lived to see their triumph and tragedy.

然而，逝去的梦想却有着顽强的生命力，挥之不去，整天萦绕心头。虽然里克于1990年去世，但许多早期互联网先驱者们都亲眼见证了他们的胜利和悲剧。

日本庆应义塾大学的泰德·尼尔森，1999年。

Figure 3-3-C. Ted Nelson at Keio University, Japan, 1999. Source: Wikipedia, used under CC 4.0 BY-SA.

图3-3-C. 日本庆应义塾大学的泰德·尼尔森，1999年。来源：维基百科，根据CC 4.0 BY-SA许可使用。

Ted Nelson (shown in Figure C) and many other pioneers in Project Xanadu continue to carry their complaints about and reforms to the internet forward to this day. Engelbart, until his death in 2013, continued to speak, organize and write about his vision of "boosting Collective IQ". These activities included supporting, along with Terrence Winograd (PhD advisor to the Google founders), a community around Online Deliberation based at Stanford University that nurtured key leaders of the next generation of ⿻ as we will see below. While none of these efforts met with the direct successes of their earlier years, they played critical roles as inspiration and in some case even incubation for a new generation of ⿻ innovators, who have helped revive and articulate the dream of ⿻.

泰德·尼尔森（如图C所示）和许多其他“Xanadu计划”的先驱者们至今仍在继续表达他们对互联网的抱怨和改革。恩格尔巴特直到2013年去世前，一直都在发表演讲、组织活动并撰写文章，阐述他关于“提升集体智商”的愿景。这些活动包括与特伦斯·维诺格拉德（谷歌创始人的博士生导师）一起，支持一个位于斯坦福大学的在线协商社区，该社区培养了下一代创新者的关键领导者，正如我们将在下面看到的。虽然这些努力都没有取得他们早年那样的直接成功，但它们在激励和在某些情况下甚至孵化新一代创新者方面发挥了关键作用，这些创新者帮助重振并阐明了……的梦想。

Nodes of light

光明的节点

While, as we highlighted in the introduction, the dominant thrust of technology has developed in directions that put it on a collision course with democracy, this new generation of leaders has formed a contrasting pattern, scattered but clearly discernible nodes of light that together give hope that with renewed common action, ⿻ could one day animate technology writ large. Perhaps the most vivid example for the average internet user is Wikipedia.

正如我们在引言中强调的那样，技术发展的 dominant thrust 与民主制度背道而驰，但这新一代领导者们却形成了鲜明的对比，他们如同散落却又清晰可见的光明节点，共同带来了希望：通过更新的共同行动，……有一天能够赋能于大型技术。对于普通互联网用户来说，最生动的例子或许就是维基百科。

This open, non-profit collaborative project has become the leading global resource for reference and broadly shared factual information.[^teblunthuis] In contrast to the informational fragmentation and conflict that pervades much of the digital sphere that we highlighted in the introduction, Wikipedia has become a widely accepted source of shared understanding. It has done this through harnessing large-scale, open, collaborative self-governance.[^hwang] Many aspects of this success are idiosyncratic and attempts to directly extend the model have had mixed success; trying to make such approaches more systematic and pervasive is much of our focus below. But the scale of the success is quite remarkable.[^Wiki] Recent analysis suggests that most web searches lead to results that prominently include Wikipedia entries. For all the celebration of the commercial internet, this one public, deliberative, participatory, and roughly consensual resource is perhaps its most common endpoint.

这个开放的、非营利的协作项目已成为全球领先的参考资源和广泛共享的事实信息来源。[ ^teblunthuis]与我们在引言中强调的数字领域中普遍存在的碎片化信息和冲突形成对比，维基百科已成为一个广泛接受的共享理解的来源。它通过利用大规模、开放的、协作的自我治理实现了这一点。[^hwang]成功的许多方面都是特有的，尝试直接扩展该模型的尝试取得了喜忧参半的成功；尝试使这种方法更有系统性和普遍性是我们下面关注的重点。但成功的规模相当惊人。[^Wiki]最近的分析表明，大多数网络搜索的结果都突出显示了维基百科的条目。尽管对商业互联网大加赞赏，但这个公共的、协商的、参与式的、大致一致的资源或许是其最常见的终点。

The concept of "Wiki," from which Wikipedia derives its name, comes from a Hawaiian word meaning "quick," and was coined by Ward Cunningham in 1995 when he created the first wiki software, WikiWikiWeb. Cunningham aimed to extend the web principles highlighted above of hypertextual navigation and inclusive ⿻ governance by allowing the rapid creation of linked databases.[^Wikiway] Wikis invite all users, not just experts, to edit or create new pages using a standard web browser and to link them to one another, creating a dynamic and evolving web landscape in the spirit of ⿻.

“Wiki”这个概念，维基百科由此得名，源于夏威夷语中“快速”的意思，由沃德·坎宁安在1995年创建第一个wiki软件WikiWikiWeb时创造。坎宁安的目标是扩展上面强调的超文本导航和包容性……治理的网络原则，允许快速创建链接数据库。[^Wikiway]Wikis邀请所有用户，而不仅仅是专家，使用标准的网络浏览器编辑或创建新页面，并将它们相互链接，从而在……的精神下创建一个动态发展的网络环境。

[^Wikiway]: Bo Leuf and Ward Cunningham, The Wiki Way: Quick Collaboration on the Web (Boston: Addison-Wesley, 2001).

[^Wikiway]：Bo Leuf和Ward Cunningham，《维基之道：网络上的快速协作》（波士顿：Addison-Wesley，2001年）。

While Wikis themselves have found significant applications, they have had an even broader impact in helping stimulate the "groupware" revolution that many internet users associate with products like Google docs but has its roots in the open source WebSocket protocol.[^group] HackMD, a collaborative real-time Markdown editor, is used within the g0v community to collaboratively edit and openly share documents such as meeting minutes.[^Japan] While collaboratively constructed documents illustrate this ethos, it more broadly pervades the very foundation of the online world itself. Open source software (OSS) embodies this ethos of participatory, networked, transnational self-governance. Significantly represented by the Linux operating system, OSS underlies the majority of public cloud infrastructures and connects with many through platforms like GitHub, boasting over 100 million contributors, growing rapidly in recent years especially in the developed world as pictured in Figure D. The Android OS, which powers over 70% of all smartphones, is an OSS project, despite being primarily maintained by Google. The success and impact of such "peer production" has forced the broad reconsideration of many assumptions underlying standard economic analysis.[^benkler]

虽然Wikis本身已经找到了重要的应用，但它们在帮助刺激“群件”革命方面的影响更大，许多互联网用户将其与谷歌文档等产品联系起来，但其根源在于开源WebSocket协议。[^group] HackMD是一个协作的实时Markdown编辑器，g0v社区使用它来协作编辑和公开共享文档，例如会议记录。[^Japan]虽然协作构建的文档说明了这种精神，但它更广泛地渗透到在线世界的基础本身。开源软件（OSS）体现了这种参与式、网络化、跨国自我治理的精神。以Linux操作系统为代表的OSS是大多数公共云基础设施的基础，并通过GitHub等平台与许多人联系起来，拥有超过1亿贡献者，近年来在发达国家发展迅速，如图D所示。Android操作系统为超过70%的智能手机提供支持，是一个开源项目，尽管主要由谷歌维护。这种“同行生产”的成功和影响迫使人们重新考虑许多标准经济分析的基本假设。[^benkler]

[^group]: The term "groupware" was coined by Peter and Trudy Johnson-Lenz in 1978, with early commercial products appearing in the 1990s, such as Lotus Notes, enabling remote group collaboration. Google Docs, originated from Writely launched in 2005, has widely popularized the concept of collaborative real-time editing. [^Japan]: Scrapbox, a combination of real-time editor with a wiki system, is utilized by the Japanese forum of this book. Visitors of the forum can read the drafts and add questions, explanations, or links to related topics in real time. This interactive environment supports activities like book reading events, where participants can write questions, engage in oral discussions, or take minutes of these discussions. The feature to rename keywords while maintaining the network structure helps the unification of variations in terminology and provides a process to find the good translation. As more people read through, a network of knowledge is nurtured to aid the understanding of subsequent readers.

[^group]：“群件”一词由Peter和Trudy Johnson-Lenz于1978年创造，早期的商业产品出现在20世纪90年代，例如Lotus Notes，实现了远程团队协作。谷歌文档起源于2005年推出的Writely，广受欢迎的概念是实时协作编辑。[^Japan]：Scrapbox，一个结合了实时编辑器和wiki系统的工具，被本书的日本论坛使用。论坛访客可以阅读草稿并添加问题、解释或相关主题的链接。这种互动式环境支持书籍阅读活动等活动，参与者可以提出问题、参与口头讨论或记录这些讨论的会议记录。在维护网络结构的同时重命名关键词的功能有助于统一术语的各种变体，并提供了一个找到良好翻译的过程。随着越来越多的人阅读，知识网络得到培养，以帮助后续读者理解。

动图显示了近年来按国家划分的适龄劳动人口中开源软件贡献者的比例随时间的变化。大多数国家的比例从大约1%上升到2%，并且集中在北美、欧洲、大洋洲和东亚，特别是台湾。

Figure 3-3-D. GitHub contributors as share of working-age population by country. Source: GitHub Innovation Graph[^GHgraph], World Bank[^WB] and Taiwan Ministry of Interior[^TaiwanMI] .

图3-3-D. 按国家划分的GitHub贡献者占适龄劳动人口的比例。来源：GitHub创新图[^GHgraph]、世界银行[^WB]和台湾内政部[^TaiwanMI]。

[^GHgraph]: GitHub Innovation graph at https://github.com/github/innovationgraph/ [^WB]: World Bank, "Population ages 15-64, total" at https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.1564.TO. [^TaiwanMI]: Department of Household Registration, Ministry of the Interior, "Household Registration Statistics in January 2024" at https://www.ris.gov.tw/app/en/2121?sn=24038775.

[^GHgraph]：GitHub创新图，网址：https://github.com/github/innovationgraph/[^WB]：世界银行，“15-64岁人口总数”，网址：https://data.worldbank.org/indicator/SP.POP.1564.TO.[^TaiwanMI]：内政部户政司，“2024年1月户籍登记统计”，网址：https://www.ris.gov.tw/app/en/2121?sn=24038775。

OSS emerged in reaction to the secretive and commercial direction of the software industry that emerged in the 1970s. The free and open development approach of the early days of ARPANET was sustained even after the withdrawal of public funding, thanks to a global volunteer workforce. Richard Stallman, opposing the closed nature of the Unix OS developed by AT&T, led the "free software movement", promoting the “GNU General Public License” that allowed users to run, study, share, and modify the source code. This was eventually rebranded as OSS, with a goal to replace Unix with an open-source alternative, Linux, led by Linus Torvalds.

OSS的出现是对20世纪70年代出现的软件行业秘密和商业方向的回应。由于全球志愿者队伍的支持，即使在公共资金撤出后，ARPANET早期的自由和开放发展方法也得以持续下去。理查德·斯托曼反对AT＆T开发的Unix操作系统的封闭性质，领导了“自由软件运动”，推广了“GNU通用公共许可证”，允许用户运行、学习、共享和修改源代码。这最终被重新命名为OSS，目标是用开源替代品Linux（由Linus Torvalds领导）取代Unix。

OSS has expanded across various internet and computing sectors, even earning support from formerly hostile companies like Microsoft, now owner of leading OSS service company GitHub and employer of one of the authors of this book. This represents the practice of ⿻ on a large scale; emergent, collective co-creation of shared global resources. Communities form around shared interests, freely build on each other’s work, vet contributions through unpaid maintainers, and "fork" projects into parallel versions in case of irreconcilable differences. The protocol “git” supports collaborative tracking of changes, with platforms like GitHub and GitLab facilitating millions of developers' participation. This book is a product of such collaboration and has been supported by Microsoft and GitHub.

OSS已扩展到各个互联网和计算领域，甚至获得了以前敌对的公司（如微软）的支持，微软现在是领先的OSS服务公司GitHub的所有者，也是本书作者之一的雇主。这代表了大规模的……实践；共享全球资源的新兴集体协同创作。社区围绕共同兴趣形成，自由地利用彼此的工作成果，通过非付费维护者审核贡献，并在出现无法调和的分歧时将项目“分叉”成并行版本。“git”协议支持协作跟踪更改，GitHub和GitLab等平台促进了数百万开发人员的参与。本书就是这种协作的产物，并得到了微软和GitHub的支持。

However, OSS faces challenges such as chronic financial support shortage due to the withdrawal of public funding, as explored by Nadia Eghbal (now Asparouhova) in her book Working in Public. Maintainers are often unrewarded and the community's growth increases the burden on them. Nonetheless, these challenges are addressable, and OSS, despite its business model limitations, exemplifies the continuance of the open collaboration ethos (the lost dao) that ⿻ aims to support. Hence, OSS projects will be frequent examples in this book.

然而，OSS面临着由于公共资金撤出而导致的长期资金支持短缺等挑战，正如娜迪亚·埃格巴尔（现为阿斯帕鲁霍娃）在她的著作《公开工作》中探讨的那样。维护者往往得不到回报，社区的增长增加了他们的负担。尽管如此，这些挑战是可以解决的，尽管OSS存在商业模式的局限性，但它体现了开放协作精神（迷失的道）的延续，……旨在支持这一精神。因此，OSS项目将是本书中经常出现的例子。

[^Eghbal]: Nadia Eghbal, Working in Public: The Making and Maintenance of Open Source Software (South San Francisco, CA: Stripe Press, 2020).

[^Eghbal]：Nadia Eghbal，《公开工作：开源软件的制作与维护》（加利福尼亚州南旧金山：Stripe Press，2020年）。

Another contrasting reaction to the shift away from public investment in communication networking was exemplified by the work of Lanier from above. A student and critic of AI pioneer Marvin Minsky, he sought to develop a technological program of the same ambition as AI, but centered around human experience and communication. Seeing existing forms of communication as being constrained by symbols that can be processed by the ears and eyes like words and pictures, he aspired to empower deeper sharing of and empathy for experiences only expressible by sense like touch and proprioception (the internal sense). Through his research and entrepreneurship during the 1980s, this developed into the field of "virtual reality", one that has been a continual source of innovation in user interaction since, from the wired glove[^wiredglove] to Apple's release of the Vision Pro [^visionpro].

对减少对通信网络公共投资的另一种对比反应，正如上面提到的莱尼尔的工作所例证的那样。作为人工智能先驱马文·明斯基的学生和批评者，他试图开发一个与人工智能同样雄心勃勃的技术项目，但以人类经验和交流为中心。他认为现有的交流形式受到可以像单词和图片一样被耳朵和眼睛处理的符号的限制，他渴望增强对只有通过感官（如触觉和本体感觉（内部感觉））才能表达的经验的更深层次的共享和同理心。通过他在20世纪80年代的研究和创业，这发展成为“虚拟现实”领域，从那时起，它一直是用户交互持续创新的源泉，从带线的 gloves[^wiredglove] 到苹果发布的Vision Pro[^visionpro]。

Yet, as we highlighted above, Lanier carried forward not only the cultural vision of the computer as a communication device; he also championed Nelson's critique of the gaps and failings of what became the internet. He particularly emphasized the lack of base layer protocols supporting payments, secure data sharing and provenance and financial support for OSS. This advocacy combined with the emergence of (pseudonymous) Satoshi Nakamoto's invention of the Bitcoin protocol in 2008 to inspire a wave of work on these topics in and around "web3" communities that harnesses cryptography and blockchains to create shared understanding of provenance and value.[^Nakamoto] While many projects in the space have been influenced by Libertarianism and hyper-financialization, the enduring connection to original aspirations of the internet, especially under the leadership of Vitalik Buterin (who founded Ethereum, the largest smart contract platform), has inspired a number of projects, like GitCoin and decentralized identity, that are central inspirations for ⿻ today as we explore below.

然而，正如我们上面所强调的，莱尔不仅继承了计算机作为通信设备的文化愿景；他还支持尼尔逊对互联网缺陷和不足的批判。他特别强调缺乏支持支付、安全数据共享和来源以及开源软件（OSS）财务支持的基础层协议。这种倡导与2008年（化名）中本聪发明比特币协议的出现相结合，激发了一波围绕“web3”社区对这些主题的研究浪潮，这些社区利用密码学和区块链来创建对来源和价值的共享理解。[^Nakamoto]虽然该领域的许多项目都受到自由主义和过度金融化的影响，但与互联网最初愿望的持久联系，尤其是在维塔利克·布特林（以太坊，最大的智能合约平台的创始人）的领导下，激发了许多项目，如GitCoin和去中心化身份，这些项目是我们下面探讨的⿻的中心灵感来源。

[^Nakamoto]: Satoshi Nakamoto, "Bitcoin: A Peer-to-Peer Electronic Cash System" at https://assets.pubpub.org/d8wct41f/31611263538139.pdf.

[^Nakamoto]: 中本聪，《比特币：一种点对点电子现金系统》，https://assets.pubpub.org/d8wct41f/31611263538139.pdf。

Other pioneers on these issues focused more on layers of communication and association, rather than provenance and value. Calling their work the "Decentralized Web" or the "Fediverse", they built protocols like Christine Lemmer Webber's Activity Pub that became the basis for non-commercial, community based alternatives to mainstream social media, ranging from Mastodon to Twitter's now-independent and non-profit BlueSky initiative. This space has also produced many of the most creative ideas for re-imagining identity and privacy with a foundation in social and community relationships.

其他关注这些问题的先驱们更关注沟通和关联的层次，而不是来源和价值。他们将自己的工作称为“去中心化网络”或“联邦宇宙”，并构建了像克里斯汀·莱默·韦伯的ActivityPub这样的协议，这些协议成为非商业性、社区主导的替代主流社交媒体的基础，从Mastodon到Twitter现在独立的非营利性BlueSky计划。这个领域也产生了许多关于重新构想身份和隐私的最有创意的想法，其基础是社会和社区关系。

Finally and perhaps most closely connected to our own paths to ⿻ have been the movements to revive the public and multisectoral spirit and ideals of the early internet by strengthening the digital participation of governments and democratic civil society. These "GovTech" and "Civic Tech" movements have harnessed OSS-style development practices to improve the delivery of government services and bring the public into the process in a more diverse range of ways. Leaders in the US include Jennifer Pahlka, founder of GovTech pioneer Code4America, and Beth Simone Noveck, Founder of The GovLab.[^GovTech] Hal Seki, a leader in Japan's Civic Tech movement, led the creation of sinsai.info, a data collection and visualization platform developed after the Great East Japan Earthquake in 2011, and later founded Code for Japan.

最后，也许与我们自己通往⿻的道路最密切相关的是，通过加强政府和民主公民社会的数字参与，来恢复早期互联网的公共和多部门精神和理想的运动。这些“政府科技”和“公民科技”运动利用OSS风格的开发实践来改进政府服务的提供，并以更多样化的方式将公众纳入这一过程。美国的领导者包括GovTech先驱Code4America的创始人詹妮弗·帕尔卡和GovLab的创始人贝丝·西蒙·诺维克。[^GovTech]日本公民科技运动的领导者Seki Hal领导创建了sinsai.info，这是一个在2011年日本大地震后开发的数据收集和可视化平台，后来他创立了Code for Japan。

[^GovTech]: Jennifer Pahlka, Recoding America: Why Government is Failing in the Digital Age and How We Can Do Better (New York: Macmillan, 2023). Beth Simone Noveck, Wiki Government: How Technology Can Make Government Better, Democracy Stronger, and Citizens More Powerful (New York: Brookings Institution Press, 2010).

[^GovTech]: Jennifer Pahlka，《重新编码美国：为什么政府在数字时代失败以及我们如何做得更好》（纽约：麦克米伦，2023年）。Beth Simone Noveck，《维基政府：技术如何让政府更好、民主更强大、公民更有力量》（纽约：布鲁金斯学会出版社，2010年）。

Noveck, in particular, is a powerful bridge between the early development of ⿻ and its future, having been a driving force behind the Online Deliberation workshops mentioned above, having developed Unchat, one of the earliest attempts at software to serve these goals and which helped inspire the work of vTaiwan and more.[^Unchat] She went on to pioneer, in her work with the US Patent and Trademark Office and later as Deputy Chief Technology Officer of the US many of the transparent and inclusive practices that formed the core of the g0v movement we highlighted above.[^Noveckwork] Noveck was a critical mentor not just to g0v but to a range of other ambitious civic technology projects around the world from the Kenya collective crisis reporting platform Ushahidi founded by Juliana Rotich and collaborators to a variety of European participative policy-making platforms like Decidim founded by Francesca Bria and collaborators and CONSUL that arose from the "Indignado" movement parallel to g0v in Spain, on the board of which one of us sits. Yet despite these important impacts, a variety of features of these settings has made it challenging for these examples to have the systemic, national and thus easily traceable macrolevel impacts that g0v had in Taiwan.

特别是诺维克，是早期⿻发展及其未来之间强大的桥梁，她一直是上述在线协商研讨会的驱动力，她开发了Unchat，这是为实现这些目标而进行的最早的软件尝试之一，并帮助启发了vTaiwan等工作。[^Unchat]在与美国专利商标局合作，后来担任美国副首席技术官期间，她继续倡导许多形成我们上面强调的g0v运动核心的透明和包容的实践。[^Noveckwork]诺维克不仅对g0v，而且对世界各地一系列其他雄心勃勃的公民技术项目都起到了至关重要的指导作用，从由Juliana Rotich及其合作者创立的肯尼亚集体危机报告平台Ushahidi到各种欧洲参与式政策制定平台，如由Francesca Bria及其合作者创立的Decidim和源于西班牙与g0v平行的“Indignado”运动的CONSUL，我们中的一位就坐在董事会中。然而，尽管这些影响非常重要，但这些环境的各种特征使得这些例子很难产生像g0v在台湾那样具有系统性、全国性和易于追踪的宏观层面的影响。

Other countries have, of course, excelled in various elements of ⿻. Estonia is perhaps the leading example and shares with Taiwan a strong history of Georgism and land taxes, is often cited as the most digitized democratic government in the world and pioneered digital democracy earlier than almost any other country, starting in the late 1990s.[^Estoniamodel] Finland has built on and scaled the success of its neighbor, extending digital inclusion deeper into society, the educational system and the economy than Estonia, as well as adopting elements of digitized democratic participation. Singapore has the most ambitious Georgist-style policies on earth and harnesses more creative ⿻ economic mechanisms and fundamental protocols than any other jurisdiction. South Korea has invested extensively in both digital services and digital competence education. New Zealand has pioneered internet-based voting and harnessed civil society to improve public service inclusion. Iceland has harnessed digital tools to extend democratic participation more extensively than any other jurisdiction. Kenya, Brazil and especially India have pioneered digital infrastructure for development. We will return to many of these examples in what follows.

当然，其他国家在⿻的各个方面都表现出色。爱沙尼亚也许是领先的例子，它与台湾有着强大的乔治主义和土地税的历史，经常被认为是世界上数字化程度最高的民主政府，并且比几乎任何其他国家都更早地开创了数字民主，始于20世纪90年代末。[^Estoniamodel]芬兰在其邻国的成功基础上进行了扩展，将数字普惠扩展到社会、教育体系和经济的更深处，超过了爱沙尼亚，并采用了数字化民主参与的元素。新加坡拥有地球上最雄心勃勃的乔治主义风格政策，并利用比任何其他司法管辖区更有创意的⿻经济机制和基本协议。韩国在数字服务和数字能力教育方面进行了大量投资。新西兰率先开展了基于互联网的投票，并利用公民社会来提高公共服务的包容性。冰岛利用数字工具比任何其他司法管辖区更广泛地扩展了民主参与。肯尼亚、巴西，尤其是印度，率先为发展建设了数字基础设施。我们将在接下来的内容中回顾许多这些例子。

[^Estoniamodel]: Gary Anthes, "Estonia: a Model for e-Government" Communications of the ACM 58, no. 6 (2015): 18-20.

[^Estoniamodel]: Gary Anthes，《爱沙尼亚：电子政府的典范》，《ACM通讯》第58卷，第6期（2015年）：18-20。

Yet none of these have institutionalized the breadth and depth of ⿻ approaches to socio-technical organization across sectors that Taiwan has. It is thus more challenging to take these cases as broad national examples on which to found imagination of what ⿻ could mean to the world if it could scale up to bridge the divides of nation, culture and sector and forming both the infrastructural foundation and the mission of global digital society. With that anchoring example and additional hope from these other cases, we now turn to painting in greater depth the opportunity a ⿻ global future holds.

然而，这些国家都没有将⿻的方法跨部门地应用于社会技术组织的广度和深度，如同台湾一样。因此，将这些案例作为广泛的国家案例来想象⿻如果能够扩大规模以弥合国家、文化和部门之间的差距，并形成全球数字社会的基础设施基础和使命，对世界意味着什么，更具挑战性。有了这个锚定示例以及来自其他案例的额外希望，我们现在将更深入地描绘⿻全球未来所蕴含的机遇。

[^Unchat]: Beth Noveck, “Designing Deliberative Democracy in Cyberspace: The Role of the Cyber-Lawyer,” New York Law School, n.d. https://digitalcommons.nyls.edu/cgi/viewcontent.cgi?article=1580&context=fac_articles_chapters; Beth Noveck, “A Democracy of Groups,” First Monday 10, no. 11 (November 7, 2005), https://doi.org/10.5210/fm.v10i11.1289. [^Noveckwork]: Beth Simone Noveck, Wiki Government op. cit.; Vivek Kundra, and Beth Noveck, “Open Government Initiative,” Internet Archive, June 3, 2009, https://web.archive.org/web/20090603192345/http://www.whitehouse.gov/open/. [^teblunthuis]: In fact, researchers have studied reading patterns in terms of time spent by users across the globe. Nathan TeBlunthuis, Tilman Bayer, and Olga Vasileva, “Dwelling on Wikipedia,” Proceedings of the 15th International Symposium on Open Collaboration, August 20, 2019, https://doi.org/10.1145/3306446.3340829, (pp. 1-14). [^hwang]: Sohyeon Hwang, and Aaron Shaw. “Rules and Rule-Making in the Five Largest Wikipedias.” Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 16 (May 31, 2022): 347–57, https://doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v16i1.19297 studied rule-making on Wikipedia using 20 years of trace data. [^Wiki]: In an experiment, McMahon and colleagues found that a search engine with Wikipedia links increased relative click-through-rate (a key search metric) by 80% compared to a search engine without Wikipedia links. Connor McMahon, Isaac Johnson, and Brent Hecht, “The Substantial Interdependence of Wikipedia and Google: A Case Study on the Relationship between Peer Production Communities and Information Technologies,” Proceedings of the International AAAI Conference on Web and Social Media 11, no. 1 (May 3, 2017): 142–51, https://doi.org/10.1609/icwsm.v11i1.14883. Motivated by this work, an audit study found that Wikipedia appears in roughly 70 to 80% of all search results pages for "common" and "trending" queries. Nicholas Vincent, and Brent Hecht, “A Deeper Investigation of the Importance of Wikipedia Links to Search Engine Results,” Proceedings of the ACM on Human-Computer Interaction 5, no. CSCW1 (April 13, 2021): 1–15, https://doi.org/10.1145/3449078. [^benkler]: Yochai Benkler, “Coase’s Penguin, Or, Linux and the Nature of the Firm,” n.d. http://www.benkler.org/CoasesPenguin.PDF. [^wiredglove]: A wired glove is an input device like a glove. It allows users to interact with digital environments through gestures and movements, translating physical hand actions into digital responses. Jaron Lanier, (New York: Henry Holt and Co., 2017). [^visionpro]: The Vision Pro is a head mount display, released by Apple in 2024. This device integrates high-resolution displays with sensors capable of tracking the user's movements, hand actions and the environment to offer an immersive mixed reality experience. [^ChooseYourOwnAdventure]: "Choose Your Own Adventure," interactive gamebooks based on Edward Packard's concept from 1976, peaked in popularity under Bantam Books in the '80s and '90s, with 250+ million copies sold. It declined in the '90s due to competition from computer games. [^FirstDemo]: Engelbart, Christina. “Firsts: The Demo - Doug Engelbart Institute.” Doug Engelbart Institute, n.d. . [^ComputerasCommunicationDevice]: Licklider and Taylor, op. cit. [^DouglasEngelbart]: “Douglas Engelbart Issues ‘Augmenting Human Intellect: A Conceptual Framework’ : History of Information,” October 1962. . [^Sputnik’sImpact]: Dickson, Paul. “Sputnik’s Impact on America.” NOVA | PBS, November 6, 2007. . [^ManComputerSymbiosis]: J. C. R. Licklider. “Man-Computer Symbiosis,” March 1960. .